Baltic Hands Link Across a Troubled Sea

From Financial Times, April 8/9, 2000

A new dynamism and unity is rolling across the previously divided region. But the birth of Homo Balticus is not without its problems, writes Gordon Sander.

Some call it the new Baltic renaissance, or the resurgent Baltic Brotherhood. Others call it the New Hansa - a resurrection of the powerful league of Baltic city-states that revolutionised commerce during the medieval ages, and turned the storm-tossed East Sea, as it was then known, into the mainspring of continental trade.

Whatever you call it, there's a buzz about the Baltic. What was until recently little more than a heavily polluted body of water divided by a "Baltic Wall' has rapidly evolved into the most dynamic, politically unified region of Europe, and an area responsible for 15 percent of the world's trade. The Economist magazine has called it "the biggest and most promising piece of the New Europe". Much of that Baltic buzz is lathered up by the many regional alliances and organisations that have sprouted up along the Baltic shores. It seems the 80m or so people who live and work in the Baltic basin have a propensity for joining organisations. Among the many to which they have subscribed are the Union of Baltic Cities, the Baltic Seas Chamber of Commerce, the Baltic Council of States, the Foundation or the Baltic Sea.

Inevitably, these organisations often work at cross purposes but somehow they get along. However, there is one transnational body: causing controversy among the 10 nations of the pulsing Baltic region; Nato. Therein lies the biggest cloud overhanging Mare Balticum and the countries or regions that border it: southern Norway (even though Norway technically doesn't front on the Baltic), Sweden, Finland. the St Petersburg region of Russia, Estonia, Latvia and Lithuania, the Russian Kaliningrad enclave, northern Poland. northern Germany and Denmark. Perhaps the most dramatic example of how rapidly the Baltic shores are converging is the remarkable rapprochement between Finland and the country between Finland and the country directly facing it 50 miles across the foam-whipped waves, Estonia. The two contiguous countries share strong historic, cultural and linguistic ties. However, for the half century after the second world war - when formerly free Estonia became the Estonian SR, while Finland kept its independence and its capitalistic way of life - the Finnish and Estonian peoples were estranged. Until a decade ago, tourism and cultural exchanges between the two nations was minimal and closely monitored. Now, Finland and Estonia are each other's biggest trading partners and tourism between them has grown dramatically. In 1989, before the break-up of the Soviet Union, about 200,000 Finns and Estonians were allowed to visit each other. By last year, that number had soared to almost 3m. "A rainbow of relationships has formed between our two countries and the number of bands in that rainbow is steadily increasing, ' said an Estonian diplomat in Helsinki. Brotherly Finns are also helping to train the Estonian military and police forces, supplying funds and expertise for the clean-up of the Soviet-abused Estonian environment- including the Baltic itself- and training Tallinn's tiny bureaucracy for its future duties as a member of the European Union. There is even a brave new Finnish-Estonian Symphony Orchestra to set the new marriage to music. The Finnish-Estonian reconciliation has, in turn, inspired the other richer Nordic nations to "adopt", invest in, and bond with their neighbours to the east. Much as Finland has "adopted" Estonia, so Sweden has done with Latvia, and Norway and Denmark with Lithuania. Increasingly, Germany and the Nordic countries are viewing the lower Baltic region as part of their home market - as well as a bridge to the larger Russian market. Perhaps the most concrete manifestation of the Baltic renaissance is an actual bridge: the huge, recently completed Danish-Swedish Oresund Bridge that links the Scandinavian land mass with the European continent for the first time, creating a new metropolitan region of 3m people around Copenhagen and Malmö, and a trade and marketing centre as large as that of Amsterdam, Berlin or Zurich. What was until recently a polluted body of water divided by a 'Baltic Wall' is now responsible for 15

percent of world trade So today, there is, arguably, a greater convergence of peoples, cultures and economies around the Baltic than at any time since the medieval Hanse trading league ruled the Baltic waves which explains the vogue of the so-called "New Hansa" concept as a rationale for the new Baltic synergy. The Hanse was founded during the late 12th century by Lübeck- based Saxon merchants who wished to protect and store the valuable cargoes they shipped back and forth across the East Sea. Subsequently, the Hanse merchants established commercial enclaves along the Baltic and beyond, both in established cities such as London (where the Hanse had. offices at the Steel Yard), and Copenhagen, and in young coastal habitations such as Rostock, Riga and Tallinn, which became city states. The Hanse members and outposts, which ultimately numbered more than 160, were linked by a sophisticated commercial network that included a uniform type of boat (the cog), advanced navigational aids and occasional diets to discuss interleague problems. From the 13th century until well into the 16th, this huge protective association dominated Baltic trade. Ultimately, the Hanse was eclipsed by the better organised and armed Dutch, but not before creating the foundation for a region-wide identity, and myth, which has continued into the present day. Today, along the German Baltic coast, where the Hanse originated, the name is a virtual mantra. In Rostock which calls itself the Hanseatic City of Rostock - I counted a Hansa bank, a Hansa amusement park and a Hansa soccer team. Yrjo Kaukiainen, who teaches maritime history at Helsinki University, thinks there is a tendency to idealise the original Hansa. "When you take away the trimmings the Hanseatic houses, the diets - what Hanse was really about was making money, which is fine, but to speak of a higher Hanseatic ethos is going a bit too far. "The Hanse could be quite an aggressive organisation and was perfectly willing to engage in boycotts, embargoes, even outright war to accomplish its ends," he said.

Perhaps the most visionary (or the most deluded) of the new Baltic leagues is the Union of Baltic Cities, which has 92 members ranging from little Ventspils (Latvia) and Panevezys (Lithua- nia) to mighty Stockholm and St

Petersburg. Among other things, this energetic voluntary association has enunciated a new enlightened creed of man; Baltic Man. According to a UBC brochure, Homo Balticus is hard-working, neighbourly, nature-conscious and aesthetically sensitive. He also likes to talk. One of the more interesting and worthwhile UBC services is the bulletin published by its Rostock-based Commission on Health and Social Affairs, which allows poorer members to advertise their sometimes desperate material needs.

n a recent issue Narva, Estonia, appealed for incubators and computers; Kaunas, Lithuania, sought furniture and washing machines; and Kaliningrad pleaded for disposable syringes, disinfectants, knitting machines and food. "The members are responding," said Karin Wohlgemuth, the bulletin's editor, who is also Rostock's head of foreign relations.

"I believe in Homo Balticus," she continued, as she stood in the rain, near the town's old Hanseatic harbour. "I feel a kinship with Finns and Estonians. We know each other. And now we need each other." Alas, all this goodwill notwithstanding, Homo Balticus still has considerable woes. One of them, the spread of organised crime, is a direct consequence of the fall of the Baltic Wall. "Opening the borders between Finland and Estonia has been a mixed blessing for us,” said Antti Turkama, top officer of Helsinki's

Dispite all the goodwill, Homo Balticus still has considerable woes, including the spread of organised crime

National Bureau of Investigation. "Ten years ago Holland was the principal source of drugs imported into this country. Now, I am sad to report, it's Estonia." Another serious problem for the Nordic countries is the increase in the smuggling of illegal immigrants across the reopened Baltic. Another impediment to true Baltic harmony is the varying speeds at which Estonia, Latvia and Lithuania are being taken into the EU. Estonia, deemed by Brussels to be the fittest of the three, was invited on to the fast track to EU membership three years ago. Latvia and Lithuania were finally given the go-ahead at the December EU summit in Helsinki, but hard feelings remain. One could argue that, at least in the short run, both EU and European monetary union, about which the Baltic Ten also differ, have brought as much turmoil to the Baltic region as brotherly love. Then there is the matter of the Baltic itself, which, despite a vast amount of transnational environ- mental aid from green-minded Germany and the Nordic countries, remains grossly polluted The Swedish government already advises pregnant women and children not to eat fish caught in the Baltic. The principal culprit, by common agreement, is Russia which still flushes vast amounts of untreated sewage into the sea at St Petersburg and Kaliningrad. "We understand the problem,” said a Russian diplomat in Helsinki "And we are glad that [other nations] are willing to work with us on it. But we are doing our best.”

The Russian was also pleased to point out that St Petersburg had recently hosted the 10th Annual Hansa Business Days, which drew high-level delegations from around the Baltic "We are all for the New Hansa,

he said. "And despite what many people think, we are for the EU. too. Anything that brings business to Russia is good. However, the Russian's smile disappeared when the trouble- some matter of Nato expansion into the Baltic was raised. Germany, Norway and Denmark are, of course, full members of the western security alliance, while Finland and Sweden, with significant defence forces of their own, have chosen to remain discreetly out.

But Estonia, Latvia and Lithuania consider Nato membership intrinsic to being accepted back into the western family of nations. They emphatically want in - to the manifest distress of Moscow, which continues, rightly or wrongly, to perceive Nato as an anti-Russian military alliance. "We are adamantly opposed to these countries joining Nato,” the Russian said. "There is a broad consensus among the Russian people about this matter." Something about the prospect of the three Baltic republics joining Nato clearly makes the Russian bear livid. As Kremlinogist George Kennan pointed out in a recent interview with The New York Review of Books, the republics "were part of Russia longer than they were part of anything else" (Kennan is opposed to Nato enlargement). Moscow's vehement opposition to Nato expansion was re-emphasised in a gravely worded, anti-Nato, anti-western "security concept" it published recently. That has not, however, changed minds in Tallinn, Riga or Vilnius, where the predominant attitude remains Nato or bust.

Russia is also put out by the second-class treatment it feels is being accorded the large Russian- speaking populations of Estonia and Latvia, a matter which greatly vexed Boris Yeltsin. Clearly, the potential for a future Russo-Baltic conflict is there, which is why some pessimists predict that the present era of Baltic goodwill will prove about as brief as the last one, which ended in 1939 when Stalin's armies came storming across the Finnish Russo border, and, a year later, occupied Estonia, Latvia, and Lithuania.

Homo Balticus, staring hopefully into the Baltic mist, believes otherwise.

Free and Frank

From The Jewish Chronicle, September 21, 2004

Gordon F. Sander recalls the ordeal, in war-time Holland, of his mother’s family - the Franks who survived.

Nine days after Anne Frank's family went into hiding - or, as it was called in those times, "dived under” - my mother Dorrit, together with her parents, Myrtil and Flory Frank, and her sister Sybil, spent the first of 1,022 days concealed at Number 14 Pieter van de Zandestraat, a small, side-street flat in The Hague. And, just as their namesakes did in Amsterdam, my mother's family had many close shaves, living, as they did, but a few minutes' walk from Gestapo headquarters.

The closest was probably that of November 21, 1944, when a German slave-labour party conducted a house-to-house search of their previously overlooked street. By then, Anne and her family, as well as the four other "divers" at 263 Prinsengracht, Amsterdam, had, like so many, been betrayed, and dispatched on the penultimate train to Auschwitz and (except for Otto Frank) to oblivion.

But, five months after D-Day, resigned to losing the war, and already beginning to cover up their tracks, the German overseers of occupied Holland were no longer actively looking for Jews.

They were satisfied that they had already found and exterminated most of Holland's pre-war Jewish population of 140,000. And indeed, nowhere in Western Europe was the Holocaust carried out as thoroughly as it was in The Netherlands.

But, although they were no longer looking for Jews that November day, for ever seared into my mother's memory - and, later, mine if the Germans had found any, they would doubtless have killed them on the spot.

And yet, somehow, the search party went past Number 14. Why? How? God's will, said my grandmother, the most religious of the four. Destiny, insisted my mother, the most romantic. Chance, said, my aunt, the least sentimental of the Franks, when I interviewed her years later. Unfortunately, I never had the chance to speak in detail about these matters to my grandfather, Myrtil, who originally took the courageous decision to take the family "under."

There was still much to get through. In fact, the worst part of the Franks' ordeal, the so-called "Hunger Winter" of 1945, still lay ahead. Some 20,000 Dutchmen, including many of the estimated 25,000 Jewish "divers" who had somehow survived until then, were to perish during the horrific last half-year of the war, when the Germans allowed Western Holland, one of their last redoubts, to starve.

In addition, the Franks - my Franks - like their fellow Hagenaars, had to face the danger of misfiring V2s. The rockets, which the Nazis launched against London, often fell backwards, incinerating swathes of The Hague.

And yet, incredibly, on May 8, 1945, more than 1,000 days after they had first "dived under, the Franks emerged into the bright sunlight of freedom, one of a handful of Jewish families who survived, underground and intact, the entire German occupation and the DutchHolocaust, in which 80 per cent of Dutch Jewry perished.

Even though after years of research and hundreds of hours of interviews with members of my family - and now, with a fairly clear idea of what they endured during those thousand days and what transpired behind the door of No. 14 Pieter van de Zandestraat - I still find myself today standing in front of that same flimsy door, wondering, how they managed to survive.

So, was it God, destiny or chance? Or was it a combination of all three?

Saving Lives in Ukraine

From Harvard Magazine, September 13, 2022

Brooks Newmark ’80 with an elderly Ukrainian woman

Photograph courtesy of Brooks Newmark

“When I see a problem I have this urge to solve it no matter how formidable it might be,” says Brooks Newmark ’80, M.B.A. ’84. “While I don’t have an official charity organization behind me, I have a lot of energy.” 

Newmark, a transplanted American who was formerly the Minister for Civil Society in the government of British prime minister David Cameron and a member of Parliament, was describing the most formidable problem he has ever taken on, either as a government officer or private citizen: that of shepherding Ukrainian women, children, and the elderly caught up in the war that has devastated their country out of harm’s way. 

Newmark, a successful businessman before he entered public service, working with a Latvian friend, has been astonishingly successful. As of this writing, they and the Dunkirk-like fleet of 16 Ukrainian and Lithuanian buses they have improvised, along with a dedicated cadre of helpers, have moved more than 14,000 people of all ages, including several hundred orphans and amputees, away from the war zone to safety, often under fire. 

At one point, Newmark recalls, a Russian mortar bomb landed several hundred feet from his car while he was driving to the border of the Russian-occupied zone in Kharkov Oblast. “That certainly brought home the reality of the war,” he says. “Until then I had thought that I was personally immune from just about anything.” 

That has not stopped Newmark, who Moshe Azman, the Chief Rabbi of Kiev, has called the Oskar Schindler of Ukraine, after the Holocaust rescuer hero. Newmark himself shies away from that title while acknowledging that he is impelled by his own Holocaust history. “I had family from Poland and Lithuania who perished in the Holocaust,” he says. “What happened at that time is hardwired into the consciousness of Jews of my generation. But also hardwired into me is the notion that there were some who stood up to be counted in the Jewish people’s hour of need. Now I would like to think that I am one of those who is standing up for the Ukrainian people in their hour of need.”

Newmark with a Ukrainian family
Photograph courtesy of Brooks Newmark

Newmark’s Ukrainian project is not the first humanitarian mission in which he has invested his time and personal wealth. Though based in London, he has previously worked at a Syrian refugee camp in Turkey, helped to rebuild an orphanage in Pakistan, and renovated a children’s home in Sarajevo. Prior to Ukraine, his most sustained effort had been in Rwanda, where he opened and financed a primary school for 300 children, a teacher-training center, and an education charity which he frequently visits and oversees.

Still, none of these quite prepared him for what he would see and experience, or how engrossed he would become, once he arrived in Ukraine in March. Newmark was actually in Rwanda completing research for his doctorate in education policy at Oxford when he saw a post from his Latvian friend, who had volunteered to transport Ukrainian refugees to safety and decided to pitch in. 

“This experience has been like mission creep for me,” he says. “What started off as a few days on the Polish Ukrainian border has now developed into an all-consuming call to arms, as well as a life-changing—and most urgently, life-saving experience,” in Europe’s worst land war since World War II.  “The utter devastation of civilian areas early in the war, especially in Bucha, Irpin, and Bordyanka—the towns near Kiev—really got to me,” he recalls, still haunted at the memory. “Every house had been blown up. Most shocking of all was seeing a mass war grave in Bucha and knowing that there were 458 bodies buried there.” 

“The sight of a solitary shoe lying on top of the mud really struck me for some reason,” he says, his voice trailing off.

“The Russians are beyond evil,” says Newmark flatly, “and [Vladimir] Putin is devoid of any humanity. He is willing to kill as many Ukrainians as possible to get control of Ukraine. He simply does not want Ukraine to exist as a sovereign nation.”

Newmark, along with his ad hoc Latvian-Swedish team, helped guide more than a thousand people through a live minefield to safety in the eastern Kharkov region in July. “The evacuation had taken weeks of meticulous planning,” he recalls. ‘The day before I was supposed to get them through the no-man’s land between the Russian Ukrainian check points I discovered that there were 500 meters of anti-tank mines between them. Fortunately, I managed to persuade the Ukrainian military to create a path through the minefield.

“We then waited and waited. Suddenly coming around the corner towards our checkpoint were a few elderly ladies, a mother with two children, a twenty-something-year-old woman with two Alasatian dogs, followed by more and more women, children and pets and the odd elderly man. We waited until there were about 200 people at the check point. I couldn’t believe it!  This was actually happening. Amazingly, 1,015 women and children ultimately took the risk to walk through the path I had organized for them.”

And how does Newmark’s  family feel about the risk he takes when he flies to Ukraine to continue with his campaign? “I think my family is proud of what I am doing,” he says, referring to his  wife, Lucy, and their five children, Benjamin ’10, M.B.A. ’16, Sam ’14, Max, Lucy, and Zachary. His wife, he says, "has been with me for 40 years and knows me well enough to understand that I am happiest when I am out doing something to solve problems.”

Return to No. 14

From Amsterdam Weekly, October 2004

A visit to the little street where the “other Frank family” survived the war.

Sure, I had been to No. 14. Pieter van den Zanderstraat before.

I’d first seen this little street of two storey flats in The Hague long ago, during the summer of 1965. The Western world was then in the grip of Beatlemania and I was a semi-precocious nerd of 14. Unlike some Holocaust survivors, my mother hadn’t told me very much about her experiences as an onderduiker. I was aware of the outlines of her story, but that was all.

How could she convey what she, her father, Myrtil, her mother, Flory, and her sister Sybil had experienced during their long ordeal hiding from the Nazis? Her father had prepared for the 'dive’ by planting the rumour at the grocery store that he was a German-Swiss doctor with a mad wife, a cover for nosy neighbours. The four Franks had then ‘submerged’ on 14 July 1942. In that flat they lived through three years of uncertainty, with the constant terror of being betrayed, as well as, towards the end, of being vaporised by an off-target V2 missile (many of which were launched from The Hague). Like other ‘divers who had survived, oncluding the other Frank family in Amsterdam, they had nearly starved to death during the hongerwinter of 1944-1945.

Then one day in July 1965, when we were on a commemorative tour of Europe, my mother took me to Pieter van den Zandestraat. She was returning for the first time since her departure for the US in 1947. She knocked on the wooden door of No.14 but for some reason-_fear of the unknown, maybe, and shyness- I held back. Instead, I ran across the street and took a melodramatic photo of the flat, which looked much as it must have to the four fugitives 20 years before. The curtains were closed, just as they had been when the Franks waited for the knock on the door that fortunately never came. My mother came out a short while later and we left. I put away the picture and the memory- of that visit and returned to my photography, my pimples, and my other preoccupations as a nerdy teenager growing up in America in the ‘60s. Sometimes the war did jut suddenly into sight. On one occasion during the early '70s I was watching Sidney Lumet's Cold War thriller, Fail-Safe, with my family. The film ends with a countdown and a montage of ordinary New Yorkers, unaware of their imminent demise from a bomb the US had agreed to drop in return for accidentally bombing Moscow. The countdown evidently triggered memories of the misfiring V2 missiles and mistargeted Allied bombs that had nearly incinerated my mother and her family, as they had so many of their hapless neighbours; she burst into hysterics as if that cinematic bomb was actually headed for our Queens, New York home.

But mostly my mother's war remained as opaque as the muslin curtains in the front of number of No. 14. She had handed down to me an interest in Holland and the Dutch, though, and I made an extended postgraduate trip here in 1974. In fact, I began my career as a foreign correspondent specialising in Holland and the Nordic countries. I spent two periods in The Hague in the mid and late '70s, but my personal history or for that matter, Holland's conflicted wartime history- weren’t yet my main literary interest. I even visited No. 14 once or twice, but I never could summon the courage to ring the bell. Then, in 1979, when I was 28, I decided to write something about my mother's experiences. My idea was to publish a version of my mother's story on what would have been Anne Frank's 50th birthday, to tell the story of what might have happened if the Amsterdam Franks had been as fortunate as their counterparts - my mother's family sixty miles away in The Hague. As they say, I wanted to do a mitzvah. As my mother recounted the endless days and nights of waiting and praying while the bombs and missiles fell, and the schutzpolizer searched the surrounding the streets, I realised why she had run away during the broadcast of Fail-Safe. I began to understand what she meant when she occasionally told me, when I was very young, that she felt she had been destined to get through it all. That was sort of heavy. Even more troublingly, my mother's interpretation of what had happened at No. 14 differed from those of my grandmother and aunt (my grandfather, Myrtil, had since passed on). Why had the Franks survived all of those endless days waiting in front of the curtains? Why, during the Franks' closest shave, a slave labour house-to-house search in November 1944, had the Germans inexplicably walked past No. 14? Destiny, my mother said. God, My grandmother, who was the most religious member of the family, asserted. Chance, said my aunt. Their different explanations influenced what they remembered of their experience. The absence of a diary or journal, like Anne Frank's, made it difficult to reconcile their contrasting accounts: Rashomon redux. Not surprisingly, the project went off the track. My intended mitzvah morphed into a personal crisis. A friend advised me to put the story aside for 10 or 15 years, until I had some perspective on it - and perhaps, too, until I learned more about the complicated Dutch experience of the war, and the tragedy within a tragedy that was the Dutch Holocaust. The question is often asked: why did the Dutch lose nearly 80% of their Jews? Why did so many of the Franks' fellow Jews, like Otto Frank and his sequestered family in Amsterdam, and 102,000 others, not survive? It was a difficult question to answer. It still is. In the end, the projected 10 or 15 year delay became 20 until one day in London, a few years ago. I mentioned the project in passing to a producer from BBC Radio 4, who said he would like to do something with the story. I wrote a radio series, “The Frank Family That Survived', and the radio series became a three-year book project. Evidently, I had gained the perspective and maturity I had lacked on my first mitzvah try during the intervening years. The hundreds of hours of research I conducted - including interviewing my poor mother to exhaustion- also helped to keep me on track. Even so, every time I visited Pieter van den Zandestraat to try and picture what my mother and aunt described to me, I found myself unable to ring the bell. It was as if I were afraid to find the four Franks sitting inside, benumbed, as they had been so often when they had hidden there, and especially on that one heart-stopping day in November 1944, when the Germans conducted a house-to-house search of their street for slave labour during which they came closest to being discovered. Last weekend, I decided that it was time to go inside. I went to The Hague, and to the Pieter van der Zandestraat, and rang the bell once, then several times. People started looking out at the street from behind their curtains. No one answered. I left a note saying that I'd be back that evening and left, somewhat disappointed. I'd come especially

for that reason and the anti-climax after working up my courage to ring was depressing. That evening I made my way once again through the dark, somewhat macabre streets of The Hague's centrum west, and rang the bell again. Nothing. Then, magically, a light came on. Suddenly I doubted whether the flat’s current occupant would let me in. It was late, and I hadn't exactly made an afspraak. In this country you don't knocking on people's doors late at night, unless it’s an absolute emergency. The man who opened the door turned Out to be very friendly. He told me his name was Klaas Pen and that he worked for a Dutch airline. He was happy to invite me inside. He'd heard something about his apartment being used during the war by onderduikers. He poured me a drink. I gave him my book. There were two surprises. The three-room apartment was handsomely renovated and seemed larger than it had been described. But then, the Franks had only used part of the apartment, which had been lent to them by my mother's Dutch teacher, a couragous woman by the name of Annie van der Sluis. It looked like a nice place for one man, especially with the use of the back garden (something which the Franks avoided). The other surprise was a secret compartment hidden in the back of one of the closets. Pen had discovered it when he had moved into No. 14 five years before. The space might just have been large enough for the four onderdwikers to stand in during a raid. Neither my mother nor my grandmother nor my aunt ever mentioned it. It certainly wasn't used during the slave labour raid in 1944. Perhaps my grandfather felt that there was no point. He always kept a revolver handy for such an occasion, which he never told the family about. Klaas and I sat there, nursing our drinks, reflecting on the miracle that had transpired within these same walls. Why did the Franks survive? One thing's for certain: the Franks’ neighbours on Pieter van den Zandestraat deserve some of the credit. Someone must have suspected something fishy was going on at No. 14, what with the various helpers going in and out. Still, no one told, not even during the hongerwinter, when a successful tip-off might have meant a possibly life-saving reward from the Nazis.

“This was a good street,” I said.

"Still is,” said Klaas.

Postcript: Journey's End

Special for the Prometheus edition of “The Frank Family That Survived”

The long odyssey behind this book - my odyssey- did not end with the publication of the first edition of this book in summer 2004. Nor could it really end until I had visited two places that I had "hitherto visited in my imagination but not in actuality: Breitenheim, the main site of the first chapter, "Fatherland," and the place where the Frank family saga begins; and No. 14 Pieter van der Zandestraat, The Hague, the streetside Nat a half a mile away from German headquarters in the Binnenhof where, as the reader has seen, the Franks hid in plain sight from the Nazis for three years, and miraculously, survived. The reasons for my not visiting the Hunsruck, as the still remote region of the Rhineland where the Franks hailed from, is called, were ditterent from my reasons for not having visited No. 14. In the event, as much as I had wished to visit Breitenheim, the hamlet where Myrtil was born and raised-and which, at least to judge from the photos of it on the regional web site, appeared virtually unchanged from the old photos of it I had seen back at my work desk in America - as well as Meisenheim, the near by town where the Franks attended shul, I was not able to schedule a separate trip to Germany in order to do so.

In any event, I felt that the material I did have at hand, including the various descriptive eyewitness testimonies of my cousins Celia and Lotte, who had visited the area, the exhaustive commemorative book about Breitenheim published an its 7ooth anniversary, etc., etc., were more than sufficient to do justice to Max's and Myrtil's original milieu. So, I only visited the Hunsruck in my mind, as it were - and, as "Fatherland" bears witness, spent a good deal of time vicariously milling about.

Nevertheless, I certainly wanted to go to the real Breitenheim, if not for the book's sake, then for mine. Of course, I had to see the Frank house, if I could, and I resolved to do, so as soon as feasible following the end of my residency at Cornell.

By contrast, my failure, or inability to knock on the door of No. 14 and actually go inside, not just stand outside as I had done on my innumerable visits over the years, as I noted in the Afterword, had been the result of something else 1 had been lacking - courage, I suppose - not time.

I certainly knew what the interior looked like; how could I not after all of those interviews with Flory, Sybil, and Dorrit? I even had the original blueprint. Nevertheless something had always held me back from actually crossing the threshold, just as it had when I had accompanied my mother on her initial postwar visit to the site of the Franks' wartime cavalry in the long ago summer of 1965. But, of course, I wanted to visit No. 14, as well. Then, I knew, my journey, as well as the Frank family's one, would truly be over.

As things turned out, on my first trip to the Continent following the publication of "The Frank Family That Survived," in October 2004, I managed to find the time, and the courage, to accomplish both of these things.

First I paid an emotional - and eye-opening - visit to the Franks' old headwaters in the Hunsruck. Then, several days and a six-hour train ride later, I found myself once again in The Hague, this time crossing the threshold of No. 14 and opening that Pandora's box, too. It was, taken together, quite a journey - or journey's end, I should say. The epiphanies came fast and furious.

THE HUNSRUCK

THE FIRST SHOCK, a pleasant one I have to say, took place as I entered Meisenheim's towering former synagogue, now known as its Haus der Begegnung, or assembly hall, as the guest of the formidable man who had helped save it, the retired town pastor, Gunther Lenhoff.

To be sure, I had been told by my Israeli cousin Lotte, family archivist and granddaughter of the family patriarch, Max, that a synagogue existed in Meisenheim, just down the road apiece from Breitenheim (as we Americans say), and that the Franks attended shul there, covering the two miles separating their place of worship and their home-cum-winery every Friday night by foot. But that was about all I knew.

assumed - wrongly - that the sacred place had been a small structure, perhaps only a room, After all, how large could the synagogue be in a town so small that even today, the current population of Meisenheim is just over two thousand, roughly the same as a century ago - it is impossible to locate on all but the most detailed maps of Deutschland? I assumed-again wrongly, or partly wrongly, as it turned out - that the shul had been destroyed, or fired, during the Kristallnacht riots of November, 1938, as so many of its sister temples around

Germany had been, including the near by one in Kaiserlauten, a sad photo of whose charred remains I had come across during my archival research. And if it had somehow survived that "spontaneous" pogrom, I assumed that it had been wiped out during the others to come during the yet-darker remaining years of the Thousand Year Reich. Again, wrong.

Indeed, the Meisenheim shul wasn't even on the to do list I had hastily put together the day before on the long, winding, scenic train ride from Frankfurt, sixty miles to the north, through the lush hill and dale of the Moselle Valley to Bad Kreuznach, the nearest train station to my eventual destination. One can imagine, then, my astonishment ~- and delight - to find that the three story Meisenheim shul was not only several times larger than I had thought (and then some), but that it had been miraculously - and that is really the word - rehabilitated and transformed into a gleaming interdenominational assembly hall, complete with an elaborate ground floor museum scrupulously chronicling the history and destruction of the area's Jews. I knew that Berlin had its Holocaust Museum. But little Meisenheim? Astonished isn't the word. Amazed is more like it.

Pastor Lenhoff, a warm, slightly gruff man his early 60s who speaks fluent English, unlike most people in the district, outlined the remarkable tale behind the former synagogue's salvation as he drove me from the tiny gasthaus just outside of Meisenheim, to the venerable heart of the nine hundred year old town itself, looking much as it must have, with the soaring spire of its medieval kirsche piercing the sky, as when my great-great-great grandfather, David Frank, first beheld it back in the 1740s. The pastor, who also serves as custodian of the Haus der Begegnung, was, he said, scheduled to meet a busload of domestic sightseers from Frankfurt who were making their own pilgrimage to the reconsecrated house, evidently now a well-known site, later that samemorning. Learning of my serendipitous pilgrimage the night before from the local historian, Karen Gross-after all, Meisenheim is a small town - Lenhoff had agreed to include me 'in the tour. And I am very glad that he did.

Personally I had been ignorant of the arrangement until the burly cleric materialized at breakfast, in between orange juice and scrambled eggs, and determinedly ushered me to his waiting car. The understanding I had had with Ms. Gross, whom I had been helpfully referred to by the regional tourist authority-whence I discovered that she was from Binghamton, New York, of all places - was that I was to go to Breitenheim.

Breitenheim was tomorrow, Meisenheim was today: Jawo mein Pastor! Ours not to reason why! Pastor Gunther promised to explain everything. And so he did.

And so, as my impassioned guide raced into the old walled town, I learned the tragic story of the rise and fall of Meisenheim's Jewish community, which is essentially the story of the rise and fall of German Jewry in fine: I learned how, by the late 19th century, the by then well-assimilated Jewish community of 169 constituted nearly 10 percent of the town's population; how the prosperous and secure Jewish congregants - presumably including my great-great grandfather, Gottlieb Frank, then residing in contiguous Breitenheim pooled their resources, and, in 1890, just before my grandfather, Myrtil was born, erected a soaring four story synagogue. "It was the pride of the town," Lenhoff asserted, keeping his eyes on the winding road. Then, he continued, telescoping the story, for we were approaching the place, came the Nazi era, and Kristallnacht. "You know what happened then." I didn't, actually. The minister duly enlightened me: yes, the Franks' shul was put to the torch, and it most assuredly would have been destroyed; however, as Gunther explained, because the temple was located next to local Nazi party headquarters, the indigenous decided only to set fire to the interior. The building itself was spared and left vacant during the war years, small solace for the harried, vestigial Jewish congregation, which, like the scores of other Jewish communities in the Rhineland was completely expunged by 1942, most of its remaining members deported to the concentration camps at Theresienstadt and Gur, in the Pyrenees. One of the original congregants, who had fled to France during the war, did, in fact, return to live in Meisenheim following the war, said Lenhoff, who himself moved to Meisenheim in the 1980s. "But, of course she is gone now. The old, fire-scarred building was nearly gone by then, too. Purchased by a developer, it had been slated to be converted into a supermarket.

"That is when I stepped in," Pastor Lenhoff said, still horrified at the thought of what would have been the old synagogue's final desecration. "We want to have relations with good relations with Israel, and we are turning old synagogues into supermarkets?! How can we allow this?!”

Of course, Lenhoff himself have the funds to save thé building: But, fortunately, a number of other equally indignant, equaly conscience-stricken Meisenheimers whom he hurriedly contacted did. But what to do with the building, its blackened interior still showing the scars of Kristallnacht? With no Jews left, and - inspite of the return in modest numbers of Jews to some of the larger German cities - no realistic prospect of cultivating a new one, the temple's saviors decided stroke of genius to turn the violated building into an inter denominational meeting and culture house, The ground floor where the original peys and altar had been,it was decred, with the blessing of the town's fathers, would a museum dedieated to the preservation of the memory of the town's, and the region's, vanished Jewish way of life.

It was certainly a lot to take in for a 15-minute car trip. And then, all of a sudden, we were there.

I was dumbfounded. I knew, of course, that there were people in Germany - good Germans, if I might use that expression - Bentiles committed to preserving the memory of the Holocaust, and what preceded it, but to meet one in the flesh was a revelation. "I was of the generation," said Gunther, his voice rising as he shut off the car engine, who asked their fathers when they returned tom the war if they returned" (Lenhoff's father, a soldier in the Wehnnacht who served in Russia, was captured, sent to Siberia, before Ainally returning home in 1951), "how could this" - happen? How?"

Quickly, for the Frankfurt group would be arriving shortly, the cleric cum curator escorted me into the meticulously assembled Jewish museum on the ground floor, where the altar and pews used to be. A bus exhaust sounded: the group had amived. The pastor excused me, leaving me in my specchlessness to examine the various exhibit cases filled with photos, paper ephemera, and various relics dating from the Jewish community's great days, including the central role it had once played in the local wine industry. There was a familiar piece of paper in one of the cases. I looked closer. It was a leaf of my great-grandfather's stationery, the same one Lotte had sent me, the one with the elaborate letterhead showing the old Frank house-cum-wine cellar which I had used to conjure up Max and Myrtil's lost world back in America. And now here I was. Next to it was a bottle of Max's Wine. There was one more mind-blower: a plaque on the wall of the museum, a gift from the Isracli Franks, "dedicated," the carefully sculpted lettering proclaimed, to the memory of Max and Johanna Frank from their relatives in Israel and America." Unbeknownst to me, Lotte's family had arranged for her grandparents to be memorialized in their former place of worship and had been kind enough to include us. her American relations, in the inscription. First we American Franks heard of it! Astonished though I was by all these Frank-related artifacts, as well as impressed by the care that had been taken to assemble and display them, I have to say I was no less astonished, and moved, by the dioramara ringing the room putting the story of the Franks and their less fortunate co-relgionists into its full, harrowing context, especially the nook devoted to the Nazi era, which detailed the fate of the 21 Meisenheimers who were killed in concentration camps. Next to it was a map of Germany and the other occupied territories showing where the major Nazi concentration and prison camps were located, including the ones at Amersfoort and Vught in the Netherlands. I was equally impressed, when, once the tour group entered the room, its justifiably proud curator in tow, to see that this was the section which drew the greatest attention. These Germans remembered "My name is Gordon Frank Sander," I said, finally finding my voice, "and I am proud to be here."

There were still two more things I wanted to do while I was in the vicinity. First, I wanted to try and find my great-grandfather's grave; I had seen an old photo of it from the 1930s. Amongst the various illustrative materials on the wall of the museum was a photo, apparently recent, of the town's old Jewish cemetery, set in a forest clearing, looking in good shape. Perhaps the pastor could help me find it, and Max, as well? "I haven't been to the cemetery in 20 years," Gunther said, after he had bid his other guests farewell, "but, why not, let's try." So off we zoomed into the countryside, up a mountain; then another, then up a dirt road; then by foot across a stream - the good pastor was beginning to show signs of tiring, I have to say, at this point. Then, after scaling a picket fence with a huff and a puff (whoops!

careful'), we were in the cemetery, with its hundred or so moss-covered graves, rising out of the mist, as if in a dream, surely the most beautiful graveyard I have ever seen. Why the fathers of the extinet congregation decided to set it in this virtually inaccessible locale is mystifying. However, inconvenient though it was for the decedents' descendants, the mountainous locale had also been the graveyard's salvation. None of the graves, I was relieved to note, had been desecrated. Little wonder: what Nazi (or neo-Nazi) could find this place? And so off we strode through the graveyard, in search of Max. Gunther took one end of the graveyard, I the other. Here, Max...Where are you, Max?

Alas, Max was nowhere to be found. No matter, I assured the pastor, as we made our laborious way back to Gunther's car, turning pastoral myself, he knows that we are here. Indeed. And I thanked this redoubtable man for one of the most memorable days of my life. That left Breitenheim. In the event, the trip to Breitenheim, the next day, was also memorable, if in a different, not so pleasant sort of way. As I said, I had yearned to visit the old Frank house, to go inside, to see where Myrtil and Julius had grown up, perhaps see a bit of the old wine cellar. Of course, I had to see the house! Well, with Ms. Gross leading the way, I did indeed see Breitenheim, or most of whatever there is of my ancestral town- hamlet is more accurate - there is, or was, to see; about thirty houses grouped around an intersection. At one point there had been a store, told me, but it had closed. There had also been a gasthaus, the same one I had seen in the Breitenheim book, the one in the photo of the eight festive, tankard-bearing men, all but one of whom would soon die in the impending war, taken in 1938, from the aforementioned Breitenheim book. The one, I thought had been the Frank house. No, the scrupulous Ms. Gross corrected me, I was wrong. That house, the house in the letterhead, was around the corner.

And so it was.

No, I didn't go in; nor did I try. Anyway, the current occupant, the putative daughter of the former Nazi mayor of the town, the same one who had putatively bought it from Max after he had gone bust during the hyperinflation of the Twenties, did not, when she suddenly opened the door and looked at me-was that a scowl I saw on her face appear too eager to have me inside. Did she know who I was? Perhaps she guessed. It wouldn't have been hard. I tried to catch her attention; she had come into the yard to do take in her laundry. Again, she looked away. "This area was very brown during the war," Karen had told me the night before.

So I gathered. And thus, from one day to the next, I suppose you could say, I saw, or glimpsed the two faces of Germany on my Rhenish sortie: the forward-looking one, exemplified by Gunther, the "good" Germany, if you will, the Germany my grandfather loved.…and the other one, the one he fled to Holland for. That night, my final night in Meisenheim, I took a walk in the dark, over the river Glan, glistening in the moonlight, to the lush park on the other side, laid down and looked up at the sky. One last surprise, a final epiphany: the skies were clear, clear enough to see shooting stars, something I had never seen. in the polluted industrial skies over Europe before. And then it occurred to me: these were the same skies my grandfather had seen when he was a young boy, perhaps even from this same spot. In a way, I felt, I had come home-at least as much as I, as a Jew, could feel at home this bucolic corner of the country that my grandparents, and parents, had once called, with pride, their Fatherland, before the Nazi deluge.

NO. 14 PIETER VAN DEN ZANDESTRAAT

So much for the Hunsruck. So much for my German roots; and for the moment, so long. Now it was time to fast forward from the late 1800s and early 1900s to the thousand days of 1942, and 1943, and 1944, and 1945, to the time, and the place, when time stopped for the Franks and they "dived under" to escape their venomous former countrymen. One more stone to turn over. Time to visit No. 14 Pieter van den Zandestraat. If - if - I could get in! The "success" of my German sortie gave me courage. There was no stopping me now. And so, the very next Saturday afternoon - I figured that I would have a better chance of gaining entry if I came then - there I was, once again, striding through the cobblestone streets of The Hague's centrum west, headed for the same fateful entranceway I had first stood before when I was an impressionable 14-year-old boy, accompanying my mother back to her wartime Golgotha. I caught my breath and rang the bell once, then several times, No answer, Through half-closed eyes the cul-de-sac looked exactly the same as it had in 1960s, or, for that matter, every other time I had visited it since; only the upscale cars parked on the Dutch street hinted at the centrally located neighborhood's recent gentrification. Other than that, and the prewar Mondriaan-patterned front glass window, through which the sequestered Franks once peered out - when they dared to peer out - now replaced by one large clear, glass window, nothing seemed to have changed. The curtains were drawn, just as they had been during the Franks' long concealment; just as they were when Dorrit and I returned in 19 60, just as they were when I had returned, in 1974, and 1977, and 2002, and 2003. I rang the bell a fifth time. I was tempting' fate now. The neighbors of whomever lived at No. 14 began to peer at the intruder - and on

such a small street, especially a Dutch street; any non -resident is a potential intruder. Did anybody live at No. 14? There were no plants or other evident signs of life in the window, as there usually are in Holland. Perhaps the place was in the process of being rented. Had I come for nothing? If so, why wasn't the current occupant home on Saturday afternoon? Aren't all Dutchmen home on Saturday afternoon? In any event, this one wasn't. And all those pairs of eyes driling holes in my back were making me nervous. Time to leave. Perhaps later yes, later: Disappointed, yet still hopeful, I left a note under the door of No. 14 stating who I was, how I was the author of a book about a Jewish family who had hidden from the Germans at this address, and so forth and so on, and that I would be back later, and so forth and so on. Then, depressed at having worked up the courage to finally knock on that door for nothing, I returned to my hotel and fell into a deep sleep.

Take two. Several hours later, having refortified myself with several jonge genevers I made my way once again through the dark, somewhat macabre streets of centrum west, gulped, and rang the bell of No. 14 once again.

Again nothing. Then, magically a light came on. So, someone did live at No. 14. Now, nerves still getting the better of me, I doubted that the current occupant would, in fact, let me in. I worried that my strange note had put him (or her) off. Who cared that my family had once hid from the Germans there? Anyway it was late, and, as I well knew from my own experience, one doesn't go knocking on people's doors late at night, unless it's an emergency. I was in luck. The man who opened the door turned out to be friendly. Yes, he had read my note, Yes, he said, I could come inside. He had heard something about his apartment being used during the war by a family of onderduikers. Klaas Pen was his name; he worked for a Dutch airline. He poured me a drink. I gave him a copy of my book. There were some surprises here, as well. Firstly, there was the size of the place. The handsomely removed apartment, which Pen said he had purchased several years before, seemed considerably larger than the dank chamber that had been described to me. But then, I realized, the Franks had only used part of the flat. It was a nice place for a single man, especially with the spacious back garden, something that Flory, Dorrit, and Sybil had completely left out of their accounts. No wonder: they never used it.

The other surprise was a secret compartment hidden in the back of one of the closets. Pen told me that he had discovered it when he had bought the apartment five years before. The tiny space, no more than one. hundred cubic feet in all, conceivably might have been large enough for the four Franks to stand in, if they were standing ramrod straight, during a raid. Yet, oddly, neither my mother nor my grandmother had ever mentioned it. It certainly wasn't used during the slave labor raid on the street in November 1944, when the Franks had their closest call. Perhaps my grandfather felt that there was no point; that the thorough going Germans, expert at finding such hidden spaces by then, would have discovered theirs as well, as soon as they broke down the door.

Klaas and I sat there, nursing our drinks, reflecting on the miracle that had transpired within these same walls. Why did the Franks survive, I wondered again? How did they get through it all? How did they manage to survive for over a thousand days while hiding, essentially, in plain sight?

One thing struck me again: the Franks’ neighbors on Pieter van der Zandestraat deserve some of the credit for their against-the-odds fate. Surely, someone must have suspected that something fishy was going on behind the drawn curtains at No. 24, what with Jeanne and all the Franks' other helpers' constant excursions in and out, not to mention those of Myrtil's. Still, no one told, not even during the hongerwinter, when a successful tip might have meant a possibly life-saving reward from the Nazis.

"This was a good street," I said.

"Still is," said Klaas. I finished my drink and left. I felt at peace.

I hadn’t come home - although the franks had indeed once considered Holland their home, they never considered No. 14 anything more, or less, than their hiding place - but I felt that I had visited another, very sacred place, indeed.

My journey was over.

THE END